MiDire discovery
Having an impeccable website on mobiles, tablets and computers is, today, an obligation for all webmasters!
Based on a "mobile-first" development with Bootstrap, MiDire will adapt to different screen sizes with a rendering optimized for each device, with a perfectly responsive site using HTML, CSS, Javascript and jQuery plugins.
The creators of plugins, of skins propose their creations to you to enrich the functions and the design of the sites, they are available on midire.com.ar.
MiDire ensures the compatibility of your site with all recent browsers, we recommend the use of Firefox for the protection of your data and your private life.
Good discovery !!!
The MiDire Team
| 10/05/2026 » 18:47 (by cronywell) |
||
| 10/05/2026 » 17:59 (by cronywell) |
||
|
Topic :
Tarta Pascualina
|
30/03/2026 » 13:39 (by cronywell) |
|
|
Topic :
EMPANADAS CORDOBESAS
|
29/03/2026 » 18:56 (by cronywell) |
The Argentine economic labyrinth
- 23/05/2026 » 18:08 by cronywell
|
📰 ARGENTINE ECONOMY · ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION 📅 May 2026 · ✍️ Journalistic Analysis · ⏱ Reading Time: ~12 minutes |
🏷️ SEO TAGS #EconomíaArgentina #Milei #PyMES #Consumo #Superávit #Jubilaciones |
📊
The Argentine economic labyrinth:
surplus without growth, record harvests without consumption
and SMEs that are extinguished while the large conglomerates celebrate
The Argentina of 2026 is a shocking paradox: fields that break historical production records, inflation that fell from 25% per month to around 2-3%, a fiscal surplus not seen in 15 years... and yet factories work at 53.8% of their capacity, SMEs close daily, retirees struggle to make ends meet and domestic consumption continues to be flattened. How is it possible that with so many positive indicators the real economy does not take off? This article attempts to answer that question with data, analysis, and historical perspective.
|
✅ 0,3 % Fiscal Surplus / GDP (2024) |
⚠️ 53,8 % Use installed capacity (Dec. 2025) |
❌ −3% Cumulative GDP fall in 2024 |
🌾 ~140 Mt Record harvest 2025/26 (soybeans + corn) |
In December 2023, Argentina had a primary deficit of 2.9% of GDP and a financial deficit of 6.1%. The photo was untenable. The government of Javier Milei arrived with a unique and radical promise: fiscal balance at any cost, the famous 'chainsaw'. And it delivered: in 2024 the primary surplus reached 2.1% of GDP, with a positive financial result of 0.3%, the first since 2010.
But the mechanism was surgical only in the accounting area. Real public spending fell by 27.5% – the largest contraction since 1994. The cuts mainly affected retirements and pensions (25.3% of the total adjustment), public works (23.2%), energy subsidies (14.5%), social programs (8.8%) and public sector salaries (8.6%).
❝ What Milei did is a classic recessive adjustment, which is not very different from previous experiments. ❞
— Martín Epstein, analyst at the Center for Argentine Political Economy (CEPA)
The result was predictable by any macroeconomic textbook: with liquefied incomes and spending cut, domestic demand collapsed. GDP fell by a cumulative 3% in 2024. VAT collection – the tax that most accurately reflects consumption – fell by 16.3% year-on-year in real terms in the first half of the year. Profits, another −13%. Tax collection itself, which should have been financed by the State, fell by 6.6% in real terms in the first eleven months of the year.
The irony is geometric: by destroying the demand to balance the accounts, the tax base that sustains those accounts was also destroyed. A dog biting its tail.
|
📌 Key data for the debate The fiscal surplus is a real accounting milestone. But it was achieved by liquefying pensions, freezing public works and crushing consumption. The remaining challenge is to demonstrate that this balance can be sustained while the economy grows, not just while it contracts. |
The 2025/2026 agricultural season recorded extraordinary numbers: 49.9 million tons of soybeans, 70 million tons of corn – the highest volume in twenty years – and 7.4 million tons of sunflower, a historic record. The Argentine countryside produces like never before.
However, this agrarian wealth does not translate into internal economic dynamism. Why? Because the agro-export model, by definition, exports. Foreign currency comes in, pays debt, strengthens reserves, and in the best of cases finances public spending through withholdings. But the farmer who sold his soybeans does not necessarily buy a refrigerator manufactured in Córdoba or hire a gas operator from Rosario.
The oil industry processed a record 47.6 million tonnes in 2025, with idle capacity of 28.2%, the lowest since 2011. But the rest of the manufacturing industry tells another story: in December 2025, the utilization of general industrial installed capacity fell to 53.8%. Almost half of the machines in Argentina were stopped or running at half speed.
❝ 53.8% means that almost half of the productive capacity is idle, which has an impact on employment, tax revenues and sustainability of SMEs. ❞
— The Blender / Industrial Analysis, February 2026
This is the heart of the structural problem that the article seeks to illuminate: without domestic demand, production cannot scale; and without scale, unit costs skyrocket. Economies of scale work in both directions.
A company that produces 1,000 units per month has its fixed costs – rent, permanent payroll, amortization of equipment, insurance, services – distributed among those 1,000 units. If demand falls to 500 units, those same fixed costs are spread across half of the products: the cost per unit doubles. The company has two options: raise prices – aggravating the fall in consumption – or close.
This mechanism, perfectly described by classical economic theory, is exactly what is destroying the Argentine SME industry. It is not business mismanagement. It is not a lack of intrinsic competitiveness. It is the implacable logic of economies of scale working in reverse: fewer sales → more unit cost → less competitiveness → fewer sales. A downward spiral that no entrepreneur can stop alone.
|
🏭 46,2 % Industry idle capacity (Dec.2025) |
📦 ↑ Costs Cost/unit goes up when volume down |
🔒 600.000+ SMEs registered in Argentina |
💳 62.116 SMEs with access to SGR credit in 2025 |
The revival of a depressed economy is not an academic mystery. Keynes explained it almost a century ago: when the private sector does not invest and consumers do not spend – because they can't – it is the state that must inject demand. The most direct and efficient mechanism is to put money in the pockets of those who have the greatest marginal propensity to consume: those who earn less, because they spend practically everything they receive, and immediately, in the local market.
In Argentina, this profile corresponds exactly to retirees, workers in the informal sector and formal salaried workers with medium and low incomes. They are the three broken links in the consumption chain.
Retirements and pensions absorbed 25.3% of the total adjustment in 2024. The initial devaluation of the peso in December 2023 – a jump of 114% – liquefied fixed incomes in real time. Although retirement mobility later recovered some ground, the government vetoed in August 2024 a law of Congress that would have more aggressively recomposed pensions.
A retiree who receives the minimum salary or just above it does not save: he spends everything on food, medicine and basic services. Every additional peso that reaches that pocket almost immediately becomes local economic activity, VAT collected, a grocer who sells more and hires someone. Each weight cut makes the reverse path.
According to the OECD, informality in Argentina is high in international comparison. Argentina's social protection system has almost universal pension coverage in terms of access, but it is financed through high social security contributions that raise the cost of creating formal employment. The result: a labor market where about 40% of active workers operate in the informal sector, without contributions, without access to formal credit, without a safety net.
These people produce, sell, serve—they sustain entire microeconomies in popular neighborhoods—but they do not exist for the tax system or for the financial system. They cannot access bank loans, they will not qualify for a dignified retirement, and their consumption does not generate the multiplier effect that the registered worker does.
Incorporating them into the formal system – simplifying burdens, creating progressive regimes, lowering the labor cost of the first links – is not an expense: it is an investment that expands the tax base and the consumer market simultaneously.
❝ The pandemic clearly exposed the vulnerabilities of the model: while formal employees retained some coverage, informal employees were among the most affected by job losses, poverty, and exclusion. ❞
— OECD, Report on Informality in Latin America, 2025
The Incentive Regime for Large Investments (RIGI) is probably the most structural and controversial measure of the Milei government. In terms of design, it seeks to attract foreign direct investment to strategic sectors – energy, mining, hydrocarbons – by offering a menu of tax and regulatory benefits for a period of up to 30 years: a reduction in income tax to 25%, guaranteed tax stability, free availability of foreign currency and access to foreign markets without restrictions.
The IMF noted that RIGI has already attracted investment commitments of $12 billion. The regime's defenders argue that Argentina needs capital to develop Vaca Muerta, lithium and other natural riches that for decades were underdeveloped. They are not wrong in the diagnosis.
But the debate is about the asymmetry of the treatment. While the large companies benefiting from the RIGI have access to direct external financing, guaranteed regulatory stability for three decades and a substantially lower tax burden, Argentine SMEs – 99% of the country's business fabric – face the highest tax burden in their recent history.
|
⚖️ The tax asymmetry RIGI vs. SME According to a November 2025 report, the effective tax pressure borne by Argentine SMEs is double that faced by RIGI beneficiary companies. Of 600,000 registered firms, only 62,116 managed to access publicly guaranteed credit in 2025 – 10%. 77% of them are micro-enterprises. |
The question that Argentine society has the right to ask itself is: what is left for the country when an international consortium extracts lithium or oil with guaranteed fiscal stability for 30 years? The answer depends on how much is negotiated in terms of local employment, national suppliers, technology transfer and royalties. If these conditions are not well agreed, the RIGI may become the largest legal business in Argentine history for its beneficiaries... and a mortgage for generations to come.
That Vaca Muerta and lithium develop is desirable and essential. That they do so under conditions that structurally benefit Argentina – and not only the shareholders of Amsterdam or New York – is the difference between a state policy and a liquidation of strategic assets.
The official discourse celebrates the fiscal surplus as if it were the end in itself of economic policy. "Zero deficit" is repeated like a mantra, as if the accounting balance automatically guarantees the well-being of the population. This conceptual confusion is, perhaps, the most costly intellectual error of the current model.
A private company aims to accumulate capital: earn more than it spends, grow, distribute profits to its shareholders. The logic of the surplus makes sense in that context. But the State is not a company. Its function is not to accumulate: it is to allocate resources to maximize collective well-being, to provide the public goods that the market does not provide on its own – education, health, infrastructure, security – and in times of economic contraction, to act as a demander of last resort to prevent the recession from feeding on itself.
❝ To speak of surplus as a panacea is to be wrong, when it is the State and not a private company. We are depriving thousands of benefits based on the belief that the State needs to accumulate instead of distribute. ❞
— Central argument of the Argentine economic debate, 2026
The economist John Maynard Keynes formulated it clearly in the 1930s, looking at another Great Depression: when all private agents withdraw simultaneously, the sum of rational individual decisions produces an irrational collective result. The State, the only agent that can act against the current, must do so. A surplus in a context of deep recession is not a virtue: it is procyclical and aggravates the problem.
The relevant nuance is that Argentina cannot ignore its restrictions: decades of deficits financed by issuance generated structural inflation that destroyed the purchasing power of several generations. It is not a question of returning to irresponsible spending. It is a question of finding the balance between fiscal sustainability and the reactivation of the internal market. That balance exists; Finding it requires creativity, not dogmatism.
The data for 2025 show mixed signals. GDP grew by about 4.3% annually, driven by agriculture, mining and energy – the sectors benefited by the RIGI and the record harvest. But that growth is partial and concentrated. Manufacturing and construction cooled in the third quarter. SMEs in the food and pharmaceutical sector recorded significant job losses. The dynamism does not spill over.
This is the scenario of a two-speed economy: an Argentina that exports raw materials and energy resources with record numbers, and another Argentina of shops, workshops, private clinics and medium-sized factories that has not yet recovered the level of activity of 2022.
|
📈 +4,3 % Projected GDP growth 2025 |
🛒 ↓ Domestic consumption (still depressed) |
⚡ RIGI Engine of growth: energy and agriculture |
🏪 ↓ SMEs: food and pharma in decline |
The reactivation of domestic consumption does not require magic or a new heterodox experiment. It requires the application of known, gradual and bankable mechanisms:
📌 Real recomposition of pensions: the average pension must recover genuine purchasing power, not just keep track of inflation that has already subsided. Every additional peso that comes to a retiree is spent entirely in the local market.
📌 Income policy for the formal sector: registered wages lost ground compared to the devaluation of December 2023. A pattern of real recovery, albeit gradual, stabilises demand and reduces social conflict.
📌 Incentivized formalization of informal employment: reducing the labor cost of the first links of formal employment – social monotax, simplified regimes – expands the consumer base and the tax base simultaneously.
📌 Productive credit for SMEs: Of 600,000 registered companies, only 62,000 accessed guaranteed credit in 2025. Scaling up that access is cheaper than any foreign investment incentive plan.
📌 Strategic public works: road, water and energy infrastructure have a proven multiplier effect. Each peso spent on public works generates 1.3 to 1.8 pesos of economic activity. Freezing it in the name of fiscal balance is a false saving.
📌 Equity in the tax burden: while SMEs pay twice as much as RIGI beneficiaries, competition is distorted from the beginning. Leveling does not mean destroying incentives for large investment; it means not suffocating the business fabric that employs 70% of registered workers.
|
💬 The virtuous circle of consumption More income in sectors with a lower propensity to save → more immediate consumption → more sales for SMEs → more production → more use of installed capacity → lower unit costs → more competitive prices → more consumption. This virtuous circle is the alternative to the inverse spiral that Argentine industry is suffering today. |
The Argentina of 2026 achieved something that seemed impossible two years ago: lower inflation from hyperinflationary levels and eliminate the fiscal deficit. Those are real achievements that deserve objective recognition. No one in their right mind can defend the model of unfunded spending that led to inflation of 211% per year in 2023.
But an airplane doesn't fly with a single engine. Macroeconomic stability is a necessary condition, not a sufficient one. The other engine – domestic consumption, the domestic market, aggregate demand – is off. And as long as it remains off, factories will continue to operate at 54%, shops will continue to close, young people will continue to emigrate and record harvests will continue to be good news for export ports... and neutral or negative news for the ordinary citizen who does not perceive any direct benefit.
The challenge for the government – of any Argentine government at this stage – is to demonstrate that fiscal discipline is compatible with inclusive growth. That the surplus can coexist with decent retirements. That attracting foreign investment does not require trampling on the local businessman. That low inflation can go hand in hand with salaries that recover purchasing power.
That demonstration has not yet occurred. The countryside produces like never before, reserves are growing, the country risk has dropped, and even so the Bell Ville baker sells fewer croissants than in 2022. That distance between macro indicators and micro reality is the real pending diagnosis. And the citizen – who is, in the final analysis, the recipient of all economic policy – has been waiting long enough for someone to solve it.
❝ An economy that grows for the indicators but not for the people has not finished growing. ❞
— Editorial reflection
🔍 REFERENCES AND SOURCES
▸ Infobae / EFE: The Argentine economy closes 2024 marked by Milei's drastic adjustment
▸ El Observador: Argentina achieves fiscal surplus after 14 years
▸ FAIGA: SME Situation Report, August 2025
▸ Infobae: The tax pressure of SMEs doubles that of RIGI companies
▸ Expoagro: Oil industry reaches historical record 2025
▸ IngenieroBlancoWhite: Argentina: record harvest 2025/2026
▸ OECD: Expanding social protection and combating informality in Latin America, 2025
▸ Deloitte LATAM: Argentina Economic Outlook, December 2025
▸ The Blender: Utilization of installed capacity fell to 53.8%, Dec. 2025
🏷️ SEO keywords
Argentine Economy 2026 · Fiscal surplus · SMEs · Retirements · Domestic consumption · installed capacity · RIGI · informal sector · Milei economy · Economic reactivation · record harvest · purchasing power · inflation Argentina · GDP growth
The May Revolution
- by
cronywell
ARGENTINE HISTORY
The May Revolution
Day by Day: May 18-25, 1810
⏱ Reading Time: 12–15 minutes • 📅 May 25, 2025 • 🌐 National History Blog
|
🗓️ Period 18–25 May 1810 |
🏛️ Scenario Buenos Aires |
⚖️ Dropped system Viceroyalty Río de la Plata |
🇦🇷 Result First Patriotic Junta |
To understand the Week of May you have to cross the Atlantic. In 1808, Napoleon Bonaparte invaded Spain and forced King Ferdinand VII to abdicate in Bayonne in favor of his brother Joseph Bonaparte. The Spanish crown, which ruled an empire that included all of Hispanic America, remained in foreign hands. In response, government juntas emerged in the main peninsular cities, coordinated by a Central Supreme Junta based in Seville, which ruled in the name of the captive king.
But the French advance was relentless. In January 1810, Napoleon's troops definitively defeated the Spanish armies and the Central Junta had to flee to Cádiz, where it was dissolved and power transferred to a Regency Council. It was the end of the last institutional bastion of the Spanish monarchy.
"News of his downfall reached Buenos Aires aboard the British warship Mistletoe and generated enormous turmoil in the city." — CNN Español, 2024
The news was devastating for the colonial system: if the Junta that had appointed Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros no longer existed, the authority of the viceroy himself was legally questioned. For the revolutionary criollos who had been meeting secretly for years in the soap factory of Vieytes and in the homes of Buenos Aires patriots, it was the historic opportunity they were waiting for.
🖼️ Historical reference image — Cabildo de Buenos Aires
→ See image: Cabildo de Buenos Aires (Wikipedia Commons)
→ See image: Cabildo Abierto del 22 de mayo — Pedro Subercaseaux (1908)
→ See image: First Governing Board — historical illustration
Historians call the period between May 18 and 25, 1810 "May Week". Each day of that historic week was a decisive link in the chain that culminated in the first national government. Below, the detailed account of each day.
|
🚢 Tuesday, May 13, 1810 The news that changed everything |
|
The British warship Mistletoe docks in the port of Buenos Aires carrying news that will shake the foundations of colonial power: the Supreme Central Junta of Seville – the last institutional bastion of Spanish power – has definitively fallen to the Napoleonic armies. Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros receives the information and tries to suppress it. He knows perfectly well what it means: if the Board that appointed him no longer exists, his authority loses legal legitimacy. However, the news is already circulating among merchants, the Creole military and the young revolutionaries who have been meeting in secret for months. In the soap shop of Vieytes and in the houses of the patriots, tempers flared. Cornelio Saavedra, head of the Patrician Regiment and the most influential military figure among the Creoles, would long ago make a prophetic warning to his relatives: "It is not yet time; Let the figs ripen and then we will eat them." The figs were ripening. |
|
📢 Friday, May 18, 1810 The Viceroy's Side and the Secret Meeting |
|
Unable to maintain silence any longer, Viceroy Cisneros ordered the official publication of the fall of the Junta of Seville by means of a proclamation that the town criers disseminated throughout the city. In the text, Cisneros calls for loyalty to the crown and assures that he will assume control along with the other authorities of the Viceroyalty. The implicit message is clear: nothing is going to change. But the effect of the side is exactly the opposite of what is desired. By making the news public, the viceroy confirms what the Creoles already knew: the authority that had appointed him no longer exists. The legal and political logic that the revolutionaries had been elaborating now finds its strongest argument. That same night, a group of patriots met urgently at the house of Nicolás Rodríguez Peña. The decision is unanimous: it is necessary to demand the convening of an Open Cabildo to deal with the situation of the Viceroyalty. Two representatives were appointed to face the viceroy: Juan José Castelli and the officer Martín Rodríguez. |
|
🤝 Saturday, May 19, 1810 The pressure on the viceroy begins |
|
Without sleep since the night before, Cornelio Saavedra and Manuel Belgrano appear early before the Mayor of First Vote, Juan de Lezica, to formally demand the convocation of an Open Cabildo. The request is legally based: since the authority that appointed the viceroy has expired, it is up to the people—represented by their most illustrious neighbors—to deliberate on the government to follow. Simultaneously, Juan José Castelli and Martín Rodríguez met directly with Viceroy Cisneros. The meeting is tense. Cisneros listens but does not give in. According to an anecdote collected by Martín Rodríguez's memoirs – although its veracity is debated by historians – on that night the commissioners would have ordered Cisneros to cease in command, giving him barely five minutes to answer. The viceroy's response would have been: "Do what you want." The meetings of the patriots continue until the early hours of the morning. The network of contacts between Creole soldiers, lawyers trained in Chuquisaca and Buenos Aires merchants is activated at maximum intensity. The soap factory of Vieytes functions as the central node of the conspiracy. |
|
🗣️ Sunday, May 20, 1810 The people appear on the scene |
|
It is Sunday, and the square in front of the Cabildo becomes a political stage for the first time. A group of approximately 600 neighbors led by the military Domingo French and Antonio Luis Beruti – popularly known as "the sparklers" or "infernal legion" – congregate in front of the chapter building wearing white ribbons on their lapels and the portrait of Ferdinand VII on their galleys. The lobbyists delay the call to the Open Council. The demonstrators press with shouts of "Cabildo abierto!" The situation is tense to the point that officials urgently call Saavedra to calm the situation. The patrician chief goes out to the balcony of the Cabildo and manages to get the crowd to leave with the promise that the next day the convocation will be discussed. It is a pivotal moment in Argentine history: for the first time in the history of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, what the documents of the time will begin to call "the people" appears as a visible and determining political actor. Viceroy Cisneros, under pressure from all fronts, received that afternoon officials of the Cabildo, military chiefs and Creole representatives. The negotiation on the convocation of the Cabildo Abierto is already inevitable. |
|
✉️ Monday, May 21, 1810 The Invitations to the Great Debate |
|
The Cabildo gives in to the accumulated pressure and makes a historic decision: to convene an Open Cabildo for the following day, May 22. 450 invitations are drawn up and sent to the most influential residents of the city: royal officials, merchants, soldiers, priests and professionals. The call establishes that the meeting will have as its only theme the political situation of the Viceroyalty before the fall of the Central Supreme Junta. The definition of who would be invited and who would not be invited was in itself a political act: the so-called "main and healthiest part of the neighborhood" excluded the popular sectors, although the pressure of the crowd in the streets would be present anyway. Revolutionaries spend the day organizing. Each of the groups that make up the Creole coalition – the soldiers of the Patricios Regiment, the lawyers who graduated in Chuquisaca, the merchants linked to free trade with England – fine-tunes its strategy for the next day's debate. |
|
🏛️ Tuesday, May 22, 1810 The Great Open Cabildo |
|
It is the longest and most intense day of the week. From the early hours of the morning, the 251 neighbors who finally attended —out of the 450 guests— begin to arrive at the Cabildo. Outside, the square is teeming with citizens who were not summoned but who make their voices heard. The debate lasts for hours and has moments of extraordinary tension. Bishop Benito Lué y Riega, representing the royalist faction, argues that as long as there is an inch of free land in Spain, the Americans must obey him. The response of the prosecutor Juan José Castelli is fulminant: if the authority that appointed the viceroy has expired, sovereignty must return to the people, who can form government juntas both in Spain and in America. Colonel Cornelio Saavedra intervenes with a definition that is decisive: "Not only does the people have the power to establish their government, but it is necessary to establish it." The words of the patrician chief, backed by the royal force of the Patrician Regiment, tip the balance. The final vote shows that the majority of the 251 present approve that the viceroy should cease in command. However, a second dispute of enormous importance arises: who should assume the government? The Cabildo directly? A popular junta? The debate is open for the following day. |
"Having expired the Royal power, sovereignty had to return to the people who could form government juntas both in Spain and in America." — Juan José Castelli, Cabildo Abierto del 22 de mayo de 1810
|
📜 Wednesday, May 23, 1810 The Cabildo interprets the results |
|
The Cabildo drafted the minutes of the previous day's session and interpreted it in a way that infuriated the revolutionaries: it established that the viceroy must resign, but that the interim command would fall to the Cabildo itself, which would then appoint the government junta it deemed appropriate. This interpretation is a political manoeuvre by the capitulars – mostly peninsular Spaniards – to control the process and prevent the Creoles from taking power. The resolution literally says that the government corresponds to the Cabildo "in the way it deems appropriate", a deliberately vague formula. The patriots, alarmed, press throughout the day. Saavedra, Belgrano and the other leaders of the movement see the maneuver clearly: if the Cabildo controls the appointment of the junta, it will be able to include Cisneros or another Spaniard in its presidency, emptying the resolution of the previous day of content. |
|
😡 Thursday, May 24, 1810 The Betrayal of the Cabildo and the Popular Fury |
|
The worst suspicion of the revolutionaries is confirmed. The Cabildo, taking advantage of the ambiguity of the previous day's minutes, formed a governing board presided over by none other than Viceroy Cisneros himself, accompanied by four members: the Spaniards Juan Nepomuceno Solá and José de los Santos Inchaurregui, and the Creoles Juan José Castelli and Cornelio Saavedra. The reaction is immediate and forceful. Castelli and Saavedra reject their appointments and present their resignation on the spot, denouncing the maneuver. When the news spreads through the city, the people explode in indignation. The "sparklers" of French and Beruti return to the streets. The barracks of the Creole regiments are agitated. During the night, an angry crowd gathers in front of the Cabildo demanding the resignation of all members of the junta, including Cisneros. The pressure is so intense – with explicit threats from the patrician soldiers – that the newly appointed Creole members have no choice but to present their resignation. Castelli and Saavedra, who had already resigned, are leading the demand that Cisneros do so as well. In the early hours of the morning of the 25th, Viceroy Cisneros signed his resignation. The road to the First Junta is finally clear. |
|
🌟 Friday, May 25, 1810 The People want to know what it is about! |
|
The dawn of May 25 arrives cold and rainy – as the chronicles of the time record – but the emotional temperature of Buenos Aires could not be more inflamed. From the early hours, a crowd congregates in the Plaza Mayor (today Plaza de Mayo) demanding news. The cry that would go on forever in Argentine history reverberates in the square: "The people want to know what it is about!" The lobbyists delay the resolution. The crowd, impatient, sends a representation with 476 signatures to the Cabildo demanding the definitive dismissal of Cisneros and the formation of a new junta. The document is one of the first examples of massive popular petition in the history of the River Plate. Faced with irresistible pressure—and in the face of the certainty that the Creole regiments would not protect the outgoing viceroy—the Cabildo finally acted. At half past four in the afternoon, the First Government Board of the Río de la Plata is officially constituted. The composition of the First Junta reflects the balance of forces of the revolution: Cornelio Saavedra as president; Mariano Moreno and Juan José Paso as secretaries; and Manuel Belgrano, Juan José Castelli, Miguel de Azcuénaga, Manuel Alberti, Domingo Matheu and Juan Larrea as members. The Junta assumed "in the name of Ferdinand VII" – a compromise formula that disguised the real scope of the change – but in fact it meant the break with the viceregal system and the beginning of the process that would culminate in the Declaration of Independence of July 9, 1816. |
Chief of the Patrician Regiment and the most powerful military figure among the Creoles, Saavedra represented the moderate wing of the revolution. His well-known phrase "it is not yet time; Let the figs ripen," reveals a politician who waited for the exact moment. He was elected president of the First Junta and would later face Mariano Moreno in the first great political conflict of the revolutionary process.
A lawyer trained in Chuquisaca and editor of the "Representation of the Landowners" (1809), Moreno was the most audacious thinker of the revolution. As secretary of the Junta, he promoted freedom of the press, popular education and a more drastic break with Spain. His radical vision quickly brought him into conflict with Saavedra. He died in 1811 under mysterious circumstances during a diplomatic mission.
A lawyer, economist and soldier, Belgrano was one of the few leaders of the revolution who combined enlightened thought with military action. A member of the First Junta as a member, he would later command the Expedition to Paraguay and create the national flag in 1812. It represented the synthesis between the Enlightenment ideal and the concrete patriotic commitment.
A cousin of Moreno and also trained in Chuquisaca, Castelli was the most brilliant orator of May 22. His argument about the reversion of sovereignty to the people in the absence of the legitimate king was the central legal foundation of the revolution. Later he would lead the Army of the North with a decidedly emancipatory orientation.
Mid-ranking military officers, French and Beruti organized the popular mobilization that was the decisive pressure engine throughout the week. They led the "chisperos" on the 20th, 21st and 24th, ensuring that the popular will was not ignored by the lobbyists. They distributed white and light blue ribbons among the demonstrators, in what some historians consider the symbolic origin of the colors of the Argentine flag.
The May Revolution was not a formal declaration of independence – that would come only on July 9, 1816 – but the beginning of a process of rupture with the colonial system. Its consequences were profound and far-reaching:
• End of the viceregal system: the dismissal of Cisneros inaugurated the era of self-government in the Río de la Plata.
• Dissolution of the Viceroyalty: the process initiated in 1810 resulted in the formation of four independent states: Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay and Bolivia.
• Free trade: The First Junta eliminated the Spanish trade monopoly, opening the port to British ships.
• Popular sovereignty: for the first time, the "people" appeared as a source of political legitimacy in the Río de la Plata.
• Internal conflicts: the revolution immediately opened disputes between Morenoites and Saavedristas that would mark decades of political instability.
→ The Historian — The Week of May 1810 (Felipe Pigna)
→ Casa Rosada — May 25, 1810, at 214 years old
→ UBA — May Revolution and Popular Sovereignty
→ Infobae — Homeland Day: what is celebrated on May 25
→ CNN — Causes and Consequences of the May Revolution
→ Billiken — The Week of May, day by day
🇦🇷 "The People Want to Know What It Is All About" — May 25, 1810
Historical Depth Article • Journalistic Style • SEO Optimized