Halfway through his third year in office, President Javier Milei faces a scenario crossed by contradictory signals. While the ruling party manages to unblock key votes in Congress and consolidates its capacity for parliamentary negotiation, polls describe a sustained deterioration of the presidential image and a social mood increasingly hit by economic pessimism. The analyses published by Perfil and La Nación coincide in the same diagnosis: the attrition is advancing, although it has not yet found an electoral alternative to capitalize on it.

📌 X-RAY IN NUMBERS

Sources: Giacobbe & Asociados, Monitor UBA, Pulso Research, Opinaia, CB Global Data and BAE Negocios. The ranges reflect methodological differences between consulting firms.

Public opinion data released in recent weeks show an economic picture that is perceived harshly. According to Giacobbe & Associates, 58% of the population maintains that the general economic situation worsens, a diagnosis that the UBA Monitor raises to 59%. Along the same lines, the Confidence in Government Index prepared by the Torcuato Di Tella University registered a monthly drop of 6.5% in July, with a cumulative decline of 21.5% since the end of 2025, according to the analysis published by La Nación.

The presidential image reflects the same downward movement, although with nuances according to the consultancy. Pulso Research placed the negative evaluation of the administration at 54.8% compared to a 37.2% positive image – the lowest record in its historical series – according to the review of five public opinion studies published by Perfil between March and July. Other surveys, such as that of Opinaia, show a somewhat less adverse picture: 46% approval, with a slight recovery compared to the floor recorded in June.

Beyond the management numbers, the social mood continues to be the most eloquent indicator. A study by consultant Hugo Haime, cited by La Nación, found that 42% of Argentines declare themselves sad and discouraged, 34% express anger and only 20% are happy and hopeful with the direction of the country.

The podium of concerns was also rearranged. According to the Synopsis survey taken up by La Nación, corruption leads the ranking with 33.4% of the mentions, followed by unemployment (28%), education (10.5%) and insecurity (9.2%); inflation, on the other hand, fell to fifth place with just 8.4%, despite being one of the few fronts where the government exhibits concrete results. Other measurements, such as that of Opinaia, place unemployment in first place with 63% of mentions and poverty in second place with 59%.

While the social mood deteriorates, Congress became the stage where the ruling party manages to show concrete results. The approval of the labor reform in the Senate – with 42 votes in favor, 28 against and two abstentions – was described as the greatest legislative victory of the administration, the product of the negotiation led by Senator Patricia Bullrich. To this milestone was added the sanction of the lowering of the age of imputability, another of the historical flags of the libertarian space.

With only 95 of the 257 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 21 of the 72 in the Senate, La Libertad Avanza does not have its own majority and depends on agreements with dialogue blocs to unblock each vote. For the second half of the year, the political table defined as priorities the reform of the Central Bank's Organic Charter – which would prohibit the financing of the Treasury via monetary issuance – the expansion of the Fiscal Innocence Law and, as an objective of greater strategic weight, the elimination of the PASO for the presidential elections of 2027.

Not all initiatives have the same fate. The "Inviolability of Private Property" bill, linked to the foreignization of land, reached the Chamber of Deputies with half the approval of the Senate but cut from its most controversial chapters, after a CB Global Data survey revealed that 77% of those consulted support limiting the purchase of land by foreigners. The discussion even led to a mobilization in front of Congress, a precedent that the ruling party evaluates as a sensitive social limit.

The Perfil report, which compares five consulting firms between March and July, identifies March as the turning point: it was then that, for the first time since the beginning of the administration, a survey by Pulso Research showed that more respondents blamed the current government (46.9%) than the previous administration (41.6%) for the economic situation. The media also highlights that the labor reform, despite its parliamentary success, failed to establish itself as a political triumph and was read by a large part of society as a measure favorable to employers.

From La Nación, two opinion columns describe similar nuances with different readings. In "Milei, in the face of the danger of 'toxic rigidity'", the analysis connects Manuel Adorni's departure from the government with the persistence of attrition, despite the drop in inflation. On the other hand, the column "Milei and the polls: not good, but not so bad either" qualifies the diagnosis by recalling that, according to a comparative study, the government's current approval is higher than that shown by his two immediate predecessors at the same height of his administration.

The data most cited by analysts is, however, a paradox. According to Giacobbe & Associates, for every percentage point that social tolerance for the adjustment recedes, the intention to vote for La Libertad Avanza falls by around 0.9 points, an almost mathematical correlation between economics and politics. Other measurements deepen this discomfort: a study by CB Global Data found that 54.5% of those consulted prefer a change of government compared to 33.4% who support continuity, while a survey by BAE Negocios raised that figure to 61.9%.

Despite this deterioration, no opposition space has so far managed to capitalize on the discontent. Mayol himself warned that the electorate that moves away from the ruling party does not migrate to the Kirchnerist options, which leaves open one of the central questions for 2027. In this context, the ruling party retains some of the best-valued figures on the political chessboard: Patricia Bullrich leads the ranking of positive image in the Opinaia measurement, followed by Milei himself and Vice President Victoria Villarruel.

With an eye on reelection, the Casa Rosada defined three axes for the rest of the year: sanctioning as many projects as possible pending in Congress, deepening the electoral operation towards 2027 and strengthening agreements with allied provinces. The underlying challenge, according to the analyses of Perfil and La Nación, will be to sustain this double chessboard – legislative victories inside Congress and a social mood that has not yet been reversed – during the decisive months that remain until the next presidential election.

Methodological note: the figures cited come from different consulting firms (Giacobbe & Asociados, Pulso Research, Opinaia, UBA, Di Tella, Synopsis, CB Global Data, BAE Negocios, Hugo Haime), each with its own methodology and margins of error, so the percentages should be read as trends rather than as exact figures comparable to each other.

🖼️ REFERENCE IMAGE GALLERY

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Summary of the positioning techniques applied and suggested for the web version of this note.

📚 SOURCES CONSULTED

Profile — Survey: five consulting firms analyze how the relationship between Milei and public opinion changed during 2026

Profile — Milei retains his competitiveness despite economic malaise and LLA raises his electoral ceiling to 55%

La Nación — Milei, facing the danger of "toxic rigidity"

La Nación — Milei and the polls: not good, but not so bad either

La Nación — Milei vs. Cristina: the international fight

Polls show Milei's wear and tear, but the ruling party resists as the first minority

Infobae — The legislative victories that Milei achieved in the first half of the year

BAE Business — More than 61.9% would vote for a change in government

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💳 📉 ⚠️

MIDIRE.AR ·  ECONOMICS AND PERSONAL FINANCE

Debt Concerns

Claims grow over credit card overdraft and financial harassment by fintechs

One in four Argentine debtors can no longer pay what they asked for. While the arrears multiplied almost five times in 18 months, complaints of harassment by collectors tripled. X-ray of a silent crisis and the rights that protect users against financial harassment.

🕒 Approximate reading time: 9 minutes

📅 Updated as of August 11, 2026

A snowball that doesn't stop growing

In the Argentina of 2026, a new social profile has been consolidated in the Central Bank's statistics: the indebted citizen. It is not a marginal or transitory phenomenon. According to the Monthly Monitor of Credit to Families, prepared by the Faculty of Business Sciences of the Universidad Austral together with the consulting firm ECO GO, one in four debtors in the country today has some degree of default, and that percentage rises to 31% when the credit comes from a fintech or a non-financial provider.

The overdraft of the credit card – that habit of paying the minimum month by month to sustain expenses that inflation no longer liquefies as it used to – has become a trap for millions of middle- and lower-middle-class families. Prepaid health insurance, private schools, vacations and daily consumption that were previously financed with fixed installments today have become balances that grow on their own, month after month, pushed by rates that far exceed inflation.

But the delinquency crisis has, in addition to its visible face in the numbers, a hidden face: the systematic harassment suffered by thousands of debtors by collection agencies, law firms and fintech applications that bought or manage their unpaid debts. Calls at all hours, messages to relatives and bosses, and even mock judicial notifications that never existed.

The deterioration in the payment capacity of Argentine households is not a perception: it is documented month by month in the BCRA's Debtors Center. The report by Universidad Austral and ECO GO, which accesses this database, shows a sustained collapse for 20 consecutive months.

In December 2024, the total default on credit to individuals represented only 3.6% of the amount granted. A year later, in December 2025, it had already climbed to 12.6%. And in June 2026, the latest data available, it reached 17.5%: almost one out of every six pesos lent in the country is now in an irregular situation. In just 18 months, the indicator multiplied by 4.9.

Source: Monthly Monitor of Credit to Families, Universidad Austral and ECO GO, based on data from the BCRA's Central Debtors Center (June 2026).

The gap between banks and fintech is one of the most eloquent pieces of data in the report: non-financial credit providers – including virtual wallets, non-bank cards and consumer finance – account for only 14.1% of the total credit granted to individuals, but they account for a delinquency rate of 31%, more than double that of the traditional financial system.

The phenomenon is not even throughout the country. La Rioja leads the ranking of non-performing loans by amount with 24.5%, followed by San Luis (22.6%) and Santa Cruz (22.2%). At the other extreme, La Pampa (9.1%) and CABA (11.9%) show the lowest levels. A fact that caught the attention of the authors of the report: three out of four new defaulters identified between 2024 and 2026 already had loans two years ago and had been paying normally. They are not people who got into too much debt: they are people who stopped being able to pay what they already owed.

Behind each number of arrears there is a person who, in addition to not being able to pay, in many cases begins to receive calls at any time, WhatsApp messages with a threatening tone and, most seriously, communications to relatives, co-workers or neighbors informing them about the debt of others.

Official data from the Directorate for the Defense of Consumer Rights of the province of Buenos Aires reflect the magnitude of the phenomenon. Claims for 'abusive practices', under the sub-ground 'harassment', went from 393 cases in 2024 to 1,064 in 2025. And between January 1 and May 31, 2026, 1,237 complaints had already accumulated: more than in the whole of the previous year, in just five months.

Ariel Aguilar, Buenos Aires' Undersecretary of Commercial Development and Investment Promotion and head of that agency, described the pattern that is repeated in most of the files: repeated calls during business and non-business hours – including weekends – WhatsApp and email messages, and harassment directed not only at the debtor but also at family members.  co-workers and neighbors, to whom personal and sensitive data are disclosed.

The cases surveyed correspond mostly to collection agencies and law firms that bought portfolios of unpaid loans from banks and financial institutions, both traditional and non-traditional. According to data from the Center for City Studies (CEC), the peak in debt sales to the secondary market coincided with the strong volatility of interest rates and the fall in real income recorded between the end of 2025 and the beginning of 2026.

In the case of informal or unbanked workers, the battlefront is transferred to fintech applications such as Mercado Pago, Naranja X or Ualá. Many users discover, when it is too late, that the collection system can contact their personal contacts: the authorization to do so is usually in the Terms and Conditions that are accepted when installing the application, without the user noticing that clause.

Not all collection management is illegal: claiming a debt is a creditor's right. The problem arises when this management crosses limits that the Consumer Protection Law and the Civil and Commercial Code clearly establish. These are the most denounced practices and their legal status:

Argentine law does not exempt anyone from paying what they owe, but it does strictly regulate how that debt can be claimed. These are the central rules that protect financial users against harassment:

•     Law 24.240 on Consumer Protection, Article 8 bis — Guarantees dignified treatment and expressly prohibits extrajudicial collection from pretending to be judicial.

•     Law 24.240, Article 52 bis — Enables punitive damages: if a non-existent judicial process was simulated, the employer was contacted or a documentable moral damage was generated, a judge may impose a civil fine in favor of the consumer.

•     Civil and Commercial Code, Article 770 — Declares null and void the capitalization of interest (anatocism) before six months of arrears, a frequent practice in fintechs.

•     Communication 'A' 7146 of the BCRA — Subject to the supervision of the Central Bank and the Financial Services User Protection Regime (PUSF), with a period of 20 business days to respond to claims.

At the rate level, the Central Bank itself sets periodic ceilings for financing with cards issued by non-banking entities: through Communication 'B' 13096/2025, it established at 72.56% the reference rate for personal loans without real collateral, applicable from the January 2026 billing cycle and used as a ceiling for the cost of card revolving. Added to this are the Total Financial Cost (TFC), debt balance insurance and VAT, which in practice raise the real cost of financing the minimum payment well above that nominal figure.

Claiming against an abusive collection does not erase the debt: they are two different issues. What is required is that the collection process be carried out within the law, without intimidation or simulation of non-existent judicial instances. Consumer protection specialists recommend the following steps:

•     Document everything: screenshots of messages, record of times and number of calls, and names of people contacted without authorization.

•     File the complaint at the Consumer Protection Platform (argentina.gob.ar) or at the provincial address corresponding to the complainant's domicile.

•     If the creditor is a bank or a regulated fintech, add the claim on the Central Bank's Financial Users platform, which generates direct regulatory pressure on the entity.

•     Evaluate, with legal advice, the possibility of claiming the punitive damages provided for in article 52 bis if there was simulation of judicial proceedings, contact with the employer or documentable moral damage.

•     Check if there was capitalization of interest before the six months of arrears: this practice is null and void according to Article 770 of the Civil and Commercial Code and can be challenged.

While the arrears multiply, no political force has yet managed to clearly interpret this new social subject that is the indebted Argentine. It is, to a large extent, the same electorate that supported the austerity of Javier Milei's government and that today lives with the deterioration of its own standard of living, without any leader offering a diagnosis or a concrete answer to the problem of over-indebtedness.

In Córdoba, the claim even reached the unions: the Union of Educators of the Province of Córdoba (UEPC) and public employee unions requested refinancing lines from the provincial bank Bancor to stop the automatic debits that liquefied the salary accounts of its members. It is a sign that the phenomenon no longer only affects the informal sectors, but also registered workers with fixed incomes.

The national government, for its part, maintains that the over-indebtedness of families is 'a problem between private companies'. Meanwhile, a bill to reform the Central Bank's Organic Charter is advancing that would cut some of its powers of intervention on the allocation of credit, at a time when delinquencies accumulate 20 consecutive months of growth.

The combination of high financing rates, revenues that do not keep pace with accumulated inflation, and a collection industry that in many cases operates outside the law creates a picture that the researchers themselves describe as a 'social drama' rather than a simple financial fact. The challenge, for the political system and for the control bodies, is twofold: to contain the growth of delinquencies without leaving credit unprotected, and at the same time to ensure that claiming a debt does not become a form of daily violence against those who can no longer pay it.

Verified images available on Wikimedia Commons to accompany the publication (use under Creative Commons license, with attribution):

🖼️ Headquarters of the Central Bank of the Argentine Republic, San Nicolás, CABA (Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0)

❓ Is it legal for a fintech to call my boss or a family member to claim a debt from me?

No. Contacting the employer, relatives or neighbors to inform them about a personal debt violates Article 8 bis of Law 24,240 on Consumer Defense, which guarantees dignified treatment. It is an abusive practice that can be reported to the Consumer Defense and, if the creditor is a regulated entity, also to the BCRA.

❓ Can I claim compensation if I was harassed for a debt?

Yes. Article 52 bis of Law 24,240 enables punitive damages: if a non-existent judicial process was simulated, the employer was contacted or a documentable moral damage was generated, a judge can impose a civil fine in favor of the consumer.

❓ Does reporting a collector's harassment erase or cancel the debt?

No. They are two independent issues: the complaint for harassment seeks that the collection process respects the law, while the debt itself remains in force and must be negotiated or refinanced separately with the creditor.

❓ Where is harassment from a collection agency reported in Argentina?

It can be started online at argentina.gob.ar or at the Consumer Protection Directorate of each province. If the creditor is a bank or a regulated fintech, it is advisable to add the claim on the Financial Users platform of the Central Bank (BCRA), which has a period of 20 business days to respond.

❓ Why is delinquency higher in fintechs than in banks?

According to the report by Universidad Austral and ECO GO, the irregularity of non-bank credit reached 31% in June 2026, more than double the 15.2% of the traditional financial system. Specialists associate it with a profile of users with less access to bank credit, higher rates and less repayment capacity in the face of the fall in real income.

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🗓️ August 10, 2026 ⏱️ 3 min 🏷️ read Transportation · Airports · Concessions

🏛️ BIDDING FOR AIR INFRASTRUCTURE

The Government analyzes the extension of the concession of air terminals in the midst of crossings for investments and profitability with the business sector

The Executive is negotiating with Aeropuertos Argentina, of the Eurnekian group, the future of the country's 35 terminals. While the company demands to extend the contract until 2056, the State demands verifiable investments and warns that it will not raise airport taxes.

✍️ Economy Editorial   Team |   📍 Buenos Aires, Argentina

📊 NEGOTIATION IN NUMBERS

The national government and Aeropuertos Argentina, the company of the Corporación América group linked to Eduardo Eurnekian, are holding open a key negotiation for the future of the country's air infrastructure. The file involves the concession of 35 air terminals and, as confirmed by official sources, the declared objective of the Executive is to close a new agreement before the end of 2026.

The discussion came to light after it transpired that a work plan of more than 600 million dollars – planned for Ezeiza, Aeroparque and other terminals in the interior – remains held up by the lack of a defined contractual horizon. Without certainty about the term of the concession, the company cannot go out to seek international financing or announce new investments.

The differences between the parties are concentrated in three central axes that so far prevent the agreement from being closed:

⏳  Term of the contract: the concessionaire intends to extend the link until 2056, with an additional option of ten years, while the Government seeks to tie it to periodic reviews.

💰  Profitability: the State requires that any extension be conditional on the effective, enforceable and verifiable compliance with the investment commitments assumed by the company.

🏗️  Financing of works: the company maintains that it needs a longer contractual horizon to access international credit and execute the modernization of the terminals.

The concession of Aeropuertos Argentina dates back to 1998 and originally expired in 2028. The extension that governs the contract today was signed in December 2020, in the midst of the pandemic, when the Executive Branch approved through Decree 1009/2020 a ten-year extension that took the term until February 2038.

That decision sought to compensate for the collapse of air traffic during the health emergency. However, according to official sources, the income from the contract fell by about 50% compared to what was projected as soon as the extension was activated, an imbalance that no tariff adjustment managed to compensate for and that today puts the link back on the table. Last year, the company and the regulator had signed a preliminary agreement that contemplated the extension until 2056, but that understanding was without effect.

The investment plan under discussion is around 600 million dollars and includes the expansion and modernization of the main terminals of the system. Among the priorities are Ezeiza and the international sector of Aeroparque Jorge Newbery – which in 2025 was close to 18 million passengers – in addition to the Mendoza airport, indicated as one of the terminals with the greatest urgency for expansion in the entire country.

While the new contractual scheme is being defined, Aeropuertos Argentina is also close to completing the investment plan of 606 million dollars that had been associated with the 2020 extension.

The contractual discussion takes place simultaneously with a significant improvement in the financial results of the concessionaire. During the first half of 2026, Aeropuertos Argentina recorded a net profit of 168,859 million pesos, 72% higher than in the same period of the previous year, and reduced its financial debt from 908,107 million to 736,984 million pesos.

This recovery in the company's profitability feeds the official demand for greater investment guarantees in exchange for any extension of the contract, in a context in which the Government seeks to prevent an extension from translating into extraordinary benefits for the company without concrete counterparts for the airport system.

As it was known, the possibility of increasing the airport taxes paid by airlines, particularly foreign airlines, was left off the negotiating table. The official argument is that an increase in these charges would reduce the country's competitiveness and could affect the number of air connections available. Nor is it considered viable, from the Executive, a reduction in costs that ends up deteriorating the quality of the service received by passengers.

Both the Government and the company agree, as it transpired, on the convenience of unlocking the contractual uncertainty as soon as possible. An extension of the uncertainty could affect the pace of investments and compromise the resources of the Fund for the Strengthening of the National Airport System (FFSNA), to which the company makes regular contributions.

At the moment, there is no closed agreement. Negotiations continue between the Ministry of Transportation, through the Regulatory Body of the National Airport System (ORSNA), and Aeropuertos Argentina, with a view to a definition before the end of the year.

Photographs and graphic material on the terminals mentioned in this note can be consulted in the following sources, available on the Internet:

✈️ Ezeiza International Airport Terminal — Aeropuertos Argentina 2000  ↗ See source

🛬 Aeroparque Jorge Newbery — Aeropuertos Argentina 2000  ↗ See source

🏢 Regulatory Body of the National Airport System (ORSNA)  ↗ See source

📰 La Nación — The government seeks to renegotiate the concession of Aeropuertos Argentina, but rejects the company ↗'s conditions See source

📰 Infobae — The Government assures that it will renegotiate the concession of the country's main airports before the end of the year  ↗ See source

📰 Infobae — More than USD 600 million in airport works slowed down by the lack of definition of the contract with the State  ↗ See source

📰 REPORTUR — Airports Argentina: Government to renegotiate concession  ↗ See source

📰 Profile  ↗ View source

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Note: document generated for informative journalistic purposes from public sources cited. Verify the validity of figures and the status of the negotiation at the time of publication.

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The national government backtracked on one of the most resisted points of its reform agenda: the modification of the Rural Land Law. After weeks of negotiation and given the lack of votes of its own in the Senate, La Libertad Avanza decided to remove from the bill of Inviolability of Private Property the chapter that relaxed the current restrictions on the purchase of rural land by foreigners. The decision, confirmed on Wednesday, August 5, represented a new concession by the ruling party and the second chapter that it had to resign since the entry of the initiative into Congress, after having also withdrawn, during the debate in commissions, the elimination of the National Registry of Popular Neighborhoods (Renabap).

Hours later, at the end of a marathon session of almost twelve hours, the ruling bloc also had to sacrifice the chapter that modified the Fire Management Law, due to the lack of sufficient support. Only then, after 1:40 a.m. on Friday, did the Senate give half sanction to the rest of the bill by 37 votes in favor and 33 against, with no abstentions.

The reform promoted by the Minister of Deregulation and Transformation of the State, Federico Sturzenegger, proposed to modify Law 26,737, the Regime for the Protection of the National Domain over the Ownership, Possession or Tenure of Rural Lands, sanctioned in 2011. The official project sought to raise from 15% to 25% the limit of foreign ownership over productive rural lands per district, making more flexible a scheme that until now limited the foreignization of Argentine agricultural land.

The initiative generated a cross-cutting rejection: environmental, social, political and agricultural sector organizations warned about the finite and irrecoverable nature of the land once sold, and questioned that the reform did not contemplate concrete advantages for local producers. That resistance was joined by that of allied governors and pro-dialogue sectors, who on other occasions had accompanied projects of the Executive but this time conditioned their support.

Official defense, before the retreat

Before the chapter fell definitively, the head of the bloc of senators of La Libertad Avanza, Patricia Bullrich, had tried to unblock the resistance by presenting a modified ruling that incorporated explicit limits for foreign states, in an attempt to differentiate the purchase of land by foreign private parties from that of foreign governments.

The seat count ended up being the deciding factor. Several senators from allied blocs, including legislators linked to provincial governors, spoke out against increasing the percentage of foreignization, making it clear that La Libertad Avanza did not have the necessary support to sustain the reform in the chamber.

To this legislative pressure was added social mobilization. Environmental, trade union and popular economy organizations called for a march in front of the Congress, in the Plaza de los Dos Congresos, to which artists and public leaders adhered. The proximity of that protest ended up inclining several senators to reject the chapter, according to different coverage of the parliamentary debate.

●    Rejection of allied governors who conditioned their support on the withdrawal of the chapter.

●    Social mobilization called in front of Congress for the key session.

●    Absence of arguments that would convince the dialoguist blocs about the need for reform.

●    Recent precedent: the government backtracked on a decree that had generated another political conflict days earlier.

Although it lost two of its most resisted chapters, the project retained the core of the reform that the Executive considered a priority: changes in evictions, expropriations and property regularization. The following table summarizes the final state of each chapter after the session of August 6 and 7.

The process that led to the cut half sanction lasted for almost five months, with successive postponements and a three-week intermission before the final vote.

The day of August 6 was marked by strong disturbances in the vicinity of Congress, where federal security forces used hydrant trucks during the march called in rejection of the project. Inside the chamber, an opposition motion to return the initiative to committee was rejected by 38 votes to 31, which anticipated that the ruling party would achieve the half sanction in general.

After almost twelve hours of debate, the Senate approved the bill by 37 affirmative votes against 33 negative, with no abstentions. The vote in particular, chapter by chapter, incorporated additional modifications in several articles before the initiative was in a position to be sent to the Chamber of Deputies.

With half the approval of the Senate, the bill for the Inviolability of Private Property – now without the chapters on Rural Lands and Fire Management – now goes to the Chamber of Deputies, where it will have to go through a new debate in commissions and in the chamber to become law. The current chapters that reach the Lower House include the tightening of the conditions for expropriations, the acceleration of eviction processes and the modernization of the Real Property Registry.

The result left, according to different political analyses, a relevant precedent for future legislative negotiations: the capacity for social mobilization and the resistance of the provincial blocs managed to twist one of the most ambitious reforms of the deregulation package promoted by the economic team.

❓ What is the Rural Land Law that the Government sought to modify?

It is Law 26,737, passed in 2011, which establishes a regime of protection over the ownership, possession and tenure of rural lands, setting limits on the ownership of foreigners over Argentine productive land.

❓ Why did the Government withdraw the reform of the Land Law?

Due to lack of their own votes in the Senate: allied governors and dialogue blocs rejected extending the limit of land in foreign hands, in a context of strong social mobilization against the initiative.

❓ What other chapters fell out of the Inviolability of Private Property project?

In addition to the Land Law, the ruling party had to withdraw at the end of the debate the chapter that modified the Fire Management Law, due to the lack of sufficient support in the chamber.

❓ Which parts of the bill did get half a sanction?

The Senate approved by 37 votes to 33 the chapters on express evictions, toughening the expropriation regime and modernization of the Real Property Registry.

❓ What happens now with the project?

It goes to the Chamber of Deputies, where it must be approved in committees and in the chamber to become a final law.

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Structured Data (JSON-LD)

It is recommended to implement NewsArticle schema with headline, datePublished (2026-08-08), dateModified, author (Organization: midire.ar), and FAQPage schema with the five FAQs developed in the note, to optimize eligibility in Google featured snippets.

Open Graph / Twitter Card

og:title and twitter:title match the title tag; og:type = article; og:image with cover image in 1200x630px format; twitter:card = summary_large_image.

E-E-A-T Signs

Note written based on primary sources (Senate shorthand version, official Senate press release) and verified journalistic coverage (La Nación, Infobae, Perfil, El Destape, Parlamentario, elDiarioAR). It is recommended to include a link to the official source of file PE-13/2026 and update the note when the project enters the Chamber of Deputies.

Core Web Vitals — publishing recommendations

●Compress cover images in WebP, lazy loading the rest of the images.

●Bypass render blocking: Load Montserrat fonts with font-display: swap.

●Preload the main image above the fold to improve the LCP.

Accessibility (WCAG 2.1 AA)

●Descriptive alt text on all referenced images.

●Minimum contrast 4.5:1 between text and background throughout the piece (palette checked).

●Semantic hierarchy of headings (unique H1, H2 and H3 nested correctly).

●Links with descriptive text, avoiding generic formulas such as "click here".

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